As he commemorated the 15th anniversary of the assassination of his father this week, Walid Jumblatt placed the Syrian opposition flag atop Kamal Jumblatt's grave. Over the course of his political career, Walid Jumblatt has made some of the most arguably unexpected alliances, seeking to shield the minority Druze community from sectarian conflict. Since the Cedar Revolution of 2005, Jumblatt, labeled by some as the chameleon of Lebanese politics, has shifted his political allegiance numerous times. After taking huge strides to make peace with the Syrian regime, this year, yet again, he turned his back on it, this time claiming to no return.

Jumblatt, the uncontested leader of the Druze community in Lebanon, was one of the foremost leaders of the 2005 revolution which brought an end to the Syrian occupation of Lebanon. After leading hundreds of thousands in Beirut's Martyr's Square and delivering his famous speech against Bashar Al-Assad, Jumblatt was faced with the harsh reality of the changing demographics of Lebanon, coupled with the waning of the US and Saudi influence and the rise of the Iranian-Syrian axis in Lebanon. After a brief but intense fight with Hezbollah's forces in May 2008, Jumblatt started to shift away from his March 14 allies and to rebuild bridges with Hezbollah and its Syrian allies.

Come election time in 2009, Jumblatt had almost completed his shift. In early 2011, Jumblatt decided to support Hezbollah, thus facilitating the toppling of Saad Hariri's government. His rationale was that the expanding Shiite influence near the Druze stronghold in the Shouf Mountains was a signal for the future of Lebanese demographics. The Syrian uprising in 2011 would shake this worldview. 

As the roots of a revolution started to take hold in Syria, Jumblatt was at first reluctant to ride the wave of Assad denunciation. With the unrelenting courage of the rebels, and the increasing faith that the regime would not last, Jumblatt finally relented. He started to distance himself from the Syrian regime, advising his allies within Hezbollah to support the rebels. This week, he expressed full support for the opposition, abandoned the rhetoric of the resistance by arguing that injustice in Syria is worse than in Palestine. Finally, he urged Hezbollah leaders to support the opposition.

Jumblatt is seeking to unite the Druze in Syria against the regime. The top Syrian Druze cleric and leader in Syria, Sheikh Ahmad Salman, publicly opposed President Bashar al-Assad before he was killed on March 24 in a "tragic car accident", as it was reported by the official Syrian News Agency. Syrian activists accused the Assad regime of staging the accident. Despite accusations, President Assad traveled to Swaida to offer his condolences and maintain whatever fragile support he has among the Druze.

Dissent is spreading even to traditionally silent areas, such as the Israel-occupied Golan Heights. More and more Druze families are speaking out against the regime's brutality. In Lebanon, Jumblatt is urging them to support the revolution.

Despite his newest shift, Jumblatt's allies in government have not turned against him, out of fear that their cabinet would collapse. Speaker of Parliament Nabih Berri said Jumblatt was still "with the majority" despite claims otherwise, and Hezbollah has not turned against him for fear of losing his support in the cabinet. However, Jumblaatt recently warned that if proportionate representation is adopted for the 2013 elections, he would withdraw from the cabinet.

If indeed Jumblatt is the weatherman of Lebanese politics, then his shift has spelled the end of the Syrian regime. The difference this time is that his move came late, long after many had predicted the downfall of the Assad dynasty, even when all odds were against the revolutionaries. His support of the Syrian rebels is his latest attempt to build alliances in the changing political sphere, but will the harsh reality of Lebanese politics, and the threat of Hezbollah's arms, compel him to make yet another future turn?